Poverty is an alarming and worsening issue in Israeli society, especially for the ultra-orthodox sector of the population. As of 2009, over 20% of Israeli population was living below the nationally declared poverty line (Abbu-Khala, Attias, and Swirski 19) and roughly half of Haredi families are living in poverty today, as defined by the Israeli Government (Yago, 31). One main cause of this poverty is the unemployment which is a prominent trend throughout the community, and has become a social and religious norm. Rather than joining the work force, 70% of Haredi men are unemployed, and most lack to desire to join the workforce (Yago, 31). Instead of providing their families with that which most people would consider basic necessities, they remain in the Kollel, and rely on their wives, parents, and friends, overseas donors, and the Israeli government to support them. According to the Haredi outlook, men must devote their lives to study, and work is only meant to be done when necessary. It is not an expectation of every man to work for a living. Therefore, these men lead their families into a life of poverty and struggle, rather than showing their children what it means to be self-sufficient and independent. Mainly out of necessity, women have begun to seek out jobs, often in education, in order to help make ends meet, however, still only 50% of women are employed, often because it is difficult for a woman to maintain a job while also carrying the burden of caring for their home and children (Yago, 31-32). As a result, women must often work only part time, preventing them from making a full living for their families. Additionally, women are restricted to positions in which their modesty and stature are not compromised, and despite the training they receive in seminaries as teenagers, they too struggle to find sufficient employment (Abbu-Khala, Attias, and Swirski 10). Due to these low employment rates, along with the large families which the Haredim often produce, much of their sustenance comes to them through government grants and allowances which they earn, along with a small percentage coming from Kollel stipends and undocumented work.
In general, a Haredi family, which has any average of 7.5 children (Schechter 1), makes most of its income from the government, through various branches which award them grants and allowances due to their family’s large size. A significant portion of this income comes from the National Insurance allowances which are awarded to every family depending on the number of children they have. As the number of children grows, the income per child is increased and as a result, many Haredi families receive thousands of Shekelim every month from the National Insurance Institute. Additionally, a family is granted a onetime grant after the birth of each of their children, known as a Maternity Grant (Cohen 20). These grants are also an important part of Haredi family incomes, due to the fact that a Haredi mother has many children, which result in many grants. Both these grants, which are awarded to every eligible family in Israel, were reduced significantly in 2003, and ever since then, Haredi families in particular have been suffering as a result of these government cutbacks (Cohen 20).
In addition to the allowances and grants which families receive because of their size, Haredi families are also awarded allowances due to their low income and substantial poverty. One significant part of this income is the Guaranteed Minimal Income, which is awarded to Haredim by the Ministry of Religion. Any family with three children, in which the father is a full time Kollel student, and the mother is unemployed, is given an allowance which increases their monthly income to the minimum income needed for a family to survive. The minimal income has also been reduced in recent years, resulting in a reduction of monthly income for many Haredi families (Cohen 20). Finally, due to their widespread poverty, Haredi families are eligible for discounted taxes and tuition fees for city-run preschools, however, many Haredim are no longer receiving these discounts, because it was decided that if parents are not utilizing their earning potential, such as those attending Kollel, they are no longer eligible for these reductions, and are therefore suffering even more financially (Cohen 21). This is perhaps the government’s way of expressing their disapproval for their Haredi method of survival.
Another cause for the increased financial difficulty in the Haredi world is the decrease in monthly income which they are experiencing, caused by factors not directly related to government cutbacks. Firstly, the Kollel stipend which each student receives monthly has been decreased recently, due to the decrease in fund mainly from overseas donors, but also from the government (Cohen 22-23). Additionally, educational jobs are scarce and yeshiva budgets are decreasing, and as a result, lay-offs and salary cuts are widespread. These cutbacks are also partially as a result of government restrictions imposed on Yeshivas, stating that in order to receive funding they must insert a core curriculum into their schools, a sacrifice which they are not all willing to make (Cohen 21). In addition, it is becoming more difficult to find acceptable jobs, such as Kashrut supervision or scribe, after or during Kollel study, and salaries at these jobs are shrinking (Cohen 25). Therefore, more and more families are being forced to survive on only one paycheck each month. Another way in which a family tries to gain income is through small businesses however these too are suffering and often collapsing due to large debts which they cannot repay (Cohen 25). Finally, sometimes families receive assistance from their family and friends, in the form of loans and gifts; however, because everyone is straining to make ends meet, these gifts are becoming fewer and smaller. Particularly, this is a problem for new couples and families, who in the past have been supported mostly by their parents, however, their parents are unable to support them any longer (Cohen 26).
Only considering the decrease in income proves the need to find new sources of finances, however, even more so this is necessary once considering the increased monthly expenditure which these same families are facing. The main expenses for Haredi families are the basic necessities, such as food, clothing, housing, and medical needs, in addition to the cost of tuition and taxes, all of which have increased in recent years. Similar to the sense felt throughout the country, the Haredi communities are hurting from the increased cost of food and housing, which is particularly expensive and in particularly high demand, since it is a necessity in order to conduct a Haredi lifestyle. In addition, the cost of tuition, which begins at around $100/ child every month, has recently increased, due to the decrease in government funding to these institutions (Cohen 26-27). Finally, the cost of medical care throughout Israel has also increased, while government subsidies for poverty ridden families as simultaneously decreasing. As is proved by the drastic decrease in income and increase in required spending each month, something must be done in order to reverse the cycle and put these families on the path towards becoming more self- sufficient.
While not many have expressed the desire to end the cycle of poverty for their family, and more broadly for the Haredi communities at large, those who are trying, face many challenges. These challenges fall into two categories: religious barriers, and educational and physical barriers. The first category, religious barriers, is definitely the larger and more debilitating category, because it poses problems which training or exercise cannot solve. The religious barriers faced are mainly triggered by the Haredi resistance to change and strict devotion to Torah. Included in the Haredi mindset is the concept that a man must study, and if he studies God will take care of him, and therefore there is no need for him to work, because God will send him sustenance and reward for his devotion (Cohen 34). On top of that, it is believed that one is prohibited from thinking about and planning the future, because it is only God who can know and affect what will happen, and study is the best way to insure that God chooses a good future for you. (Cohen 35) Another philosophy which acts as a barrier to entering the workforce is that God sends you challenges, for example, economic hardship, and a person must overcome these challenges by proving his love for God, and therefore, in these times of hardship study becomes, even more so, an essential part of life (Cohen 37). Finally, men are reluctant to enter the workforce, because when looking to the sources for answers they learn that when faced with conflict and challenge “sitting and doing nothing is preferable” and therefore, rather than being proactive about their dire economic conditions, they believe that it is better to sit back and let God take care of it (Cohen 46). The above barriers all relate to one’s relationship with God.
Perhaps a more recognizable issue is one’s exposure to the modern and secular world which they will encounter upon entering the workforce. Additionally, many men fear that joining the workforce will force them to “‘intermingle with secular and modern Orthodox Jews in the workforce, [and as a result,] they will suffer religiously’” (Schechter 3). This fear of being secularized pushes the Haredi world to keep themselves, and especially their children, very segregated, and avoid anything which could be considered modern or western, ranging from entering the world of employment, to television and internet in their homes. These last two have been ban by their religious leaders known as the Gedolim, whom they look to for answers about everything, and although they have not ban employment, they have yet to publicly endorse it, and as a result, men are reluctant to embrace it (Schechter 3). Additionally, entering the workforce might also have consequences which the Haredim are not willing to concede to. The main consequence is their mandatory army service, from which were previously exempt, according to the Tal Law, which states that if a person is performing religious study full time he is exempt from the army, so long as he doesn’t become gainfully employed (Meranda 1). This agreement has become a strong political issue, because, even if a man wants to join the workforce, he knows that by doing so he will need to complete his required army service, a service which he is unwilling to complete for philosophical and religious reasons (Yago 35). Additionally, army service is considered to be an important part of a prospective employee's resume and those who have not served, for whatever reason, are considered to be at a disadvantage when seeking employment.
The second type of barriers which Haredim face when considering entering the workforce, is their lack in general education and physical strength. At the age of 18, most Israelis have completed twelve to fourteen years of schools and have a more than basic understanding of the general subjects, such as English, math, science, and Hebrew. On the contrary, young Haredi men have little to no knowledge about these subjects, and a vast, yet nearly useless, knowledge in religious texts. Many do not even know enough Hebrew, or correct Hebrew, since their main colloquial language is Yiddish (Cohen 47). Additionally, these boys have grown up studying religious texts for the sack of study, not for the sack of assessment, and therefore lack the skills to study which are necessary if they want to succeed in training programs (Cohen 47). Finally, the Yeshivas and Kollels tend to lack a set schedule and therefore, many Haredi men struggle to adapt to the strict and binding schedules of vocational schools and subsequently, struggle to adjust to the set-in-stone schedule of their jobs (Cohen 49). Since their educational basis is lacking, one might believe that they could consider physical labor, which usually requires no education, however, because they have spent their entire lives in the Beit Midrash, and most never played sports in their childhood, they are usually very weak and lack the strength needed in to work in this field (Cohen 48).
It is evident, that the widespread financial struggle in the Haredi communities is dire, and serious changes must occur in the near future, however, small changes, which provide hope for future widespread cultural changes have already begun to spring up. Some Haredi families, and in particular, the Haredi men who lead the families have begun to realize that they must be proactive in order to end the cycle and bring their families out of poverty. In addition, the government and philanthropic organizations have begun to realize the situation, and efforts are being made to help Haredi men help themselves. Additionally, these men are beginning to realize that Torah and employment are not exclusive and each can take up a part of one’s life as long as one is willing to devote time and effort to each. For example, one Haredi engineer for Monarch Medical International requested from his boss to come into work every day at 11 AM, rather than the 9 AM, so that he could attend the Beit Midrash in the morning, however, he also promised to stay later in the evening, and according to President of the company sometimes even stays until 11 at night. The same devotion which he has to his sacred texts, he has to his job, and therefore, each is complements the other (Schechter 4). Not only are these frontrunners learning that work and study can be united in one’s life, but they are also learning to respect and appreciate secular Israelis and even more so, their secular coworkers are learning to respect them (Schechter 3). This phenomenon might actually begin to help in bridging the gap between the secular and the religious Jews in the country because each is beginning to see the other side as people, and not only defining them using stereotypes. While these signs are promising, this engineer required education in order to reach this success, and as a result institutions are being founded in order to facilitate this, and other, successes.
One type of institutions is vocational schools which are aimed at the ultra-orthodox community. These schools, which have been founded throughout the country by various organizations, attempt to tailor their environment and curriculum to the Haredi mindset and worldview. As a result, they try to avoid subjects which are controversial in the community, such as philosophy, and also adhere to the strict rules of modesty, which the Haredim believe to be important (Cohen 72). For example, these schools teach classes for men and women separately (Schechter 2). Many of these schools focus their courses on technology and computer education, because these subjects tend to be most effective for the Haredi men, whose minds are used to working with complicated logic in which every part of the mechanism relies on other parts. Additionally, work in the high-tech sectors tends to be fit for the Haredi men, who are happy being isolated in their private cubicles working on the same problem for many hours, similar to the time they spend working through a few pages of Gemarah in the Beit Midrash (Schechter 2-4). Another program, which compliments these vocational schools, has also been set up in order to help young Haredim through the process of training for and obtaining gainful employment. Set up by the Israel Joint, Parnassa Bechavod, first recruits students from the Kollel to begin training for gainful employment, and offers to subsidize the cost of tuition. Additionally, it founds vocational counseling centers throughout Haredi neighborhoods in order to provide support for those who have chose to seek employment (Cohen 72). Lastly, MATIs, which are centers for the Promotion of Entrepreneurship, have been opened in mainly of the Haredi neighborhoods in order to encourage those who are unwilling to join the workforce, to successful begin their own businesses (Cohen 73). Although some have already attempted to start their own businesses, believing that it required no previous knowledge, most have failed or are near failure. All of the above progress seems to be very promising; however, there is much which still needs to be done if real progress is expected to happen.
The Haredi community is beginning to change; however, those who have entered the workforce are a small percentage of the Haredim who are poverty. One very important aspect which has not yet been achieved is the support of the religious leaders, because most Haredim look to their Rabbi for approval before proceeding with any big change in life, and these Gedolim have yet to openly express their approval of this revolution (Cohen 66). Additionally, there is a cost to join the workforce and the government and donors must realize that in order for all Haredim men to have the ability to receive the appropriate training necessary to enter this workforce, they must substantially fund these initiatives (Yago 37). Additionally, although many men are successful in the high-tech world, it is likely that their success would increase if they had the opportunity to learn the basics either while they are still children, or after leaving the Kollel. The already existent vocational schools do not yet provide classes in the basics of math, science, and language (Cohen 75). In addition to these classes, classes should be available to those who have already entered the workplace in order to further their knowledge, allowing them to rise up in stature (Cohen 76), so that entry level positions are open to those new to the workforce. Not only do the Haredi communities need vocational schools, but they also need placement offices which will help connect the interested Haredi men with the companies seeking employees (Cohen 76-77). Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the government must address the issue of the army immediately. Many men, who would otherwise be willing to enter the workforce, remain the Kollels solely because they fear being drafted. As a result, amendments must be made to the outdated laws instated over 6o years ago, allowing men to fulfill their requirements in another way, such as community service, allowing these fearful Kollel students need to enter the workforce (Yago 36).
It is very evident that the situation is urgent, and changes must be made, but the prospects for the future are moving in the correct direction, and assuming that the leaders, both religious and political, demonstrate their support, it is possible for the next generation of Haredi families to have the prospects of living more self-sufficiently and independently. Many people don’t enjoy relying on the government for their livelihood, and even more so, do enjoy the fear of cutbacks which inevitable comes with it. Assuming that everyone who enters the revolution is as devoted as its forerunners, the changes will only benefit the community as a whole, both financially and emotionally.
Bibliography
Cohen, Bezalel. "Economic Hardship and Gainful Employment in Haredi Society in Israel." 2006. PDF file.
Meranda, Amnon. "Knesset Extends Tal Law by 5 Years." Ynet News. Yedioth Internet, 18 July, 2007. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3427136,00.html>.
Schechter, Erik, and Sam Ser. "God's Workers." Red Herring- The Business of Technology. Red Herring Inc., 1 Sept. 2000. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://redherring.com/PrintArticle.aspx? a=3101§or=Archive>.
Swirski, Shlomo, Etty Konor Attias, and Hala Abu-Khala. Israel: A Social Report 2010. Adva Center, Dec. 2010. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://www.adva.org/uploaded/social-Eng-site%20final.pdf>.
Yago, Glenn, and Ronit Puritan-Lukatch, eds. "Employment of Haredim in Israel." Economic Reform Studies 2007. Koret Economic Development Funds and Milken Institute, 2007. 31-36. PDF file.
In general, a Haredi family, which has any average of 7.5 children (Schechter 1), makes most of its income from the government, through various branches which award them grants and allowances due to their family’s large size. A significant portion of this income comes from the National Insurance allowances which are awarded to every family depending on the number of children they have. As the number of children grows, the income per child is increased and as a result, many Haredi families receive thousands of Shekelim every month from the National Insurance Institute. Additionally, a family is granted a onetime grant after the birth of each of their children, known as a Maternity Grant (Cohen 20). These grants are also an important part of Haredi family incomes, due to the fact that a Haredi mother has many children, which result in many grants. Both these grants, which are awarded to every eligible family in Israel, were reduced significantly in 2003, and ever since then, Haredi families in particular have been suffering as a result of these government cutbacks (Cohen 20).
In addition to the allowances and grants which families receive because of their size, Haredi families are also awarded allowances due to their low income and substantial poverty. One significant part of this income is the Guaranteed Minimal Income, which is awarded to Haredim by the Ministry of Religion. Any family with three children, in which the father is a full time Kollel student, and the mother is unemployed, is given an allowance which increases their monthly income to the minimum income needed for a family to survive. The minimal income has also been reduced in recent years, resulting in a reduction of monthly income for many Haredi families (Cohen 20). Finally, due to their widespread poverty, Haredi families are eligible for discounted taxes and tuition fees for city-run preschools, however, many Haredim are no longer receiving these discounts, because it was decided that if parents are not utilizing their earning potential, such as those attending Kollel, they are no longer eligible for these reductions, and are therefore suffering even more financially (Cohen 21). This is perhaps the government’s way of expressing their disapproval for their Haredi method of survival.
Another cause for the increased financial difficulty in the Haredi world is the decrease in monthly income which they are experiencing, caused by factors not directly related to government cutbacks. Firstly, the Kollel stipend which each student receives monthly has been decreased recently, due to the decrease in fund mainly from overseas donors, but also from the government (Cohen 22-23). Additionally, educational jobs are scarce and yeshiva budgets are decreasing, and as a result, lay-offs and salary cuts are widespread. These cutbacks are also partially as a result of government restrictions imposed on Yeshivas, stating that in order to receive funding they must insert a core curriculum into their schools, a sacrifice which they are not all willing to make (Cohen 21). In addition, it is becoming more difficult to find acceptable jobs, such as Kashrut supervision or scribe, after or during Kollel study, and salaries at these jobs are shrinking (Cohen 25). Therefore, more and more families are being forced to survive on only one paycheck each month. Another way in which a family tries to gain income is through small businesses however these too are suffering and often collapsing due to large debts which they cannot repay (Cohen 25). Finally, sometimes families receive assistance from their family and friends, in the form of loans and gifts; however, because everyone is straining to make ends meet, these gifts are becoming fewer and smaller. Particularly, this is a problem for new couples and families, who in the past have been supported mostly by their parents, however, their parents are unable to support them any longer (Cohen 26).
Only considering the decrease in income proves the need to find new sources of finances, however, even more so this is necessary once considering the increased monthly expenditure which these same families are facing. The main expenses for Haredi families are the basic necessities, such as food, clothing, housing, and medical needs, in addition to the cost of tuition and taxes, all of which have increased in recent years. Similar to the sense felt throughout the country, the Haredi communities are hurting from the increased cost of food and housing, which is particularly expensive and in particularly high demand, since it is a necessity in order to conduct a Haredi lifestyle. In addition, the cost of tuition, which begins at around $100/ child every month, has recently increased, due to the decrease in government funding to these institutions (Cohen 26-27). Finally, the cost of medical care throughout Israel has also increased, while government subsidies for poverty ridden families as simultaneously decreasing. As is proved by the drastic decrease in income and increase in required spending each month, something must be done in order to reverse the cycle and put these families on the path towards becoming more self- sufficient.
While not many have expressed the desire to end the cycle of poverty for their family, and more broadly for the Haredi communities at large, those who are trying, face many challenges. These challenges fall into two categories: religious barriers, and educational and physical barriers. The first category, religious barriers, is definitely the larger and more debilitating category, because it poses problems which training or exercise cannot solve. The religious barriers faced are mainly triggered by the Haredi resistance to change and strict devotion to Torah. Included in the Haredi mindset is the concept that a man must study, and if he studies God will take care of him, and therefore there is no need for him to work, because God will send him sustenance and reward for his devotion (Cohen 34). On top of that, it is believed that one is prohibited from thinking about and planning the future, because it is only God who can know and affect what will happen, and study is the best way to insure that God chooses a good future for you. (Cohen 35) Another philosophy which acts as a barrier to entering the workforce is that God sends you challenges, for example, economic hardship, and a person must overcome these challenges by proving his love for God, and therefore, in these times of hardship study becomes, even more so, an essential part of life (Cohen 37). Finally, men are reluctant to enter the workforce, because when looking to the sources for answers they learn that when faced with conflict and challenge “sitting and doing nothing is preferable” and therefore, rather than being proactive about their dire economic conditions, they believe that it is better to sit back and let God take care of it (Cohen 46). The above barriers all relate to one’s relationship with God.
Perhaps a more recognizable issue is one’s exposure to the modern and secular world which they will encounter upon entering the workforce. Additionally, many men fear that joining the workforce will force them to “‘intermingle with secular and modern Orthodox Jews in the workforce, [and as a result,] they will suffer religiously’” (Schechter 3). This fear of being secularized pushes the Haredi world to keep themselves, and especially their children, very segregated, and avoid anything which could be considered modern or western, ranging from entering the world of employment, to television and internet in their homes. These last two have been ban by their religious leaders known as the Gedolim, whom they look to for answers about everything, and although they have not ban employment, they have yet to publicly endorse it, and as a result, men are reluctant to embrace it (Schechter 3). Additionally, entering the workforce might also have consequences which the Haredim are not willing to concede to. The main consequence is their mandatory army service, from which were previously exempt, according to the Tal Law, which states that if a person is performing religious study full time he is exempt from the army, so long as he doesn’t become gainfully employed (Meranda 1). This agreement has become a strong political issue, because, even if a man wants to join the workforce, he knows that by doing so he will need to complete his required army service, a service which he is unwilling to complete for philosophical and religious reasons (Yago 35). Additionally, army service is considered to be an important part of a prospective employee's resume and those who have not served, for whatever reason, are considered to be at a disadvantage when seeking employment.
The second type of barriers which Haredim face when considering entering the workforce, is their lack in general education and physical strength. At the age of 18, most Israelis have completed twelve to fourteen years of schools and have a more than basic understanding of the general subjects, such as English, math, science, and Hebrew. On the contrary, young Haredi men have little to no knowledge about these subjects, and a vast, yet nearly useless, knowledge in religious texts. Many do not even know enough Hebrew, or correct Hebrew, since their main colloquial language is Yiddish (Cohen 47). Additionally, these boys have grown up studying religious texts for the sack of study, not for the sack of assessment, and therefore lack the skills to study which are necessary if they want to succeed in training programs (Cohen 47). Finally, the Yeshivas and Kollels tend to lack a set schedule and therefore, many Haredi men struggle to adapt to the strict and binding schedules of vocational schools and subsequently, struggle to adjust to the set-in-stone schedule of their jobs (Cohen 49). Since their educational basis is lacking, one might believe that they could consider physical labor, which usually requires no education, however, because they have spent their entire lives in the Beit Midrash, and most never played sports in their childhood, they are usually very weak and lack the strength needed in to work in this field (Cohen 48).
It is evident, that the widespread financial struggle in the Haredi communities is dire, and serious changes must occur in the near future, however, small changes, which provide hope for future widespread cultural changes have already begun to spring up. Some Haredi families, and in particular, the Haredi men who lead the families have begun to realize that they must be proactive in order to end the cycle and bring their families out of poverty. In addition, the government and philanthropic organizations have begun to realize the situation, and efforts are being made to help Haredi men help themselves. Additionally, these men are beginning to realize that Torah and employment are not exclusive and each can take up a part of one’s life as long as one is willing to devote time and effort to each. For example, one Haredi engineer for Monarch Medical International requested from his boss to come into work every day at 11 AM, rather than the 9 AM, so that he could attend the Beit Midrash in the morning, however, he also promised to stay later in the evening, and according to President of the company sometimes even stays until 11 at night. The same devotion which he has to his sacred texts, he has to his job, and therefore, each is complements the other (Schechter 4). Not only are these frontrunners learning that work and study can be united in one’s life, but they are also learning to respect and appreciate secular Israelis and even more so, their secular coworkers are learning to respect them (Schechter 3). This phenomenon might actually begin to help in bridging the gap between the secular and the religious Jews in the country because each is beginning to see the other side as people, and not only defining them using stereotypes. While these signs are promising, this engineer required education in order to reach this success, and as a result institutions are being founded in order to facilitate this, and other, successes.
One type of institutions is vocational schools which are aimed at the ultra-orthodox community. These schools, which have been founded throughout the country by various organizations, attempt to tailor their environment and curriculum to the Haredi mindset and worldview. As a result, they try to avoid subjects which are controversial in the community, such as philosophy, and also adhere to the strict rules of modesty, which the Haredim believe to be important (Cohen 72). For example, these schools teach classes for men and women separately (Schechter 2). Many of these schools focus their courses on technology and computer education, because these subjects tend to be most effective for the Haredi men, whose minds are used to working with complicated logic in which every part of the mechanism relies on other parts. Additionally, work in the high-tech sectors tends to be fit for the Haredi men, who are happy being isolated in their private cubicles working on the same problem for many hours, similar to the time they spend working through a few pages of Gemarah in the Beit Midrash (Schechter 2-4). Another program, which compliments these vocational schools, has also been set up in order to help young Haredim through the process of training for and obtaining gainful employment. Set up by the Israel Joint, Parnassa Bechavod, first recruits students from the Kollel to begin training for gainful employment, and offers to subsidize the cost of tuition. Additionally, it founds vocational counseling centers throughout Haredi neighborhoods in order to provide support for those who have chose to seek employment (Cohen 72). Lastly, MATIs, which are centers for the Promotion of Entrepreneurship, have been opened in mainly of the Haredi neighborhoods in order to encourage those who are unwilling to join the workforce, to successful begin their own businesses (Cohen 73). Although some have already attempted to start their own businesses, believing that it required no previous knowledge, most have failed or are near failure. All of the above progress seems to be very promising; however, there is much which still needs to be done if real progress is expected to happen.
The Haredi community is beginning to change; however, those who have entered the workforce are a small percentage of the Haredim who are poverty. One very important aspect which has not yet been achieved is the support of the religious leaders, because most Haredim look to their Rabbi for approval before proceeding with any big change in life, and these Gedolim have yet to openly express their approval of this revolution (Cohen 66). Additionally, there is a cost to join the workforce and the government and donors must realize that in order for all Haredim men to have the ability to receive the appropriate training necessary to enter this workforce, they must substantially fund these initiatives (Yago 37). Additionally, although many men are successful in the high-tech world, it is likely that their success would increase if they had the opportunity to learn the basics either while they are still children, or after leaving the Kollel. The already existent vocational schools do not yet provide classes in the basics of math, science, and language (Cohen 75). In addition to these classes, classes should be available to those who have already entered the workplace in order to further their knowledge, allowing them to rise up in stature (Cohen 76), so that entry level positions are open to those new to the workforce. Not only do the Haredi communities need vocational schools, but they also need placement offices which will help connect the interested Haredi men with the companies seeking employees (Cohen 76-77). Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the government must address the issue of the army immediately. Many men, who would otherwise be willing to enter the workforce, remain the Kollels solely because they fear being drafted. As a result, amendments must be made to the outdated laws instated over 6o years ago, allowing men to fulfill their requirements in another way, such as community service, allowing these fearful Kollel students need to enter the workforce (Yago 36).
It is very evident that the situation is urgent, and changes must be made, but the prospects for the future are moving in the correct direction, and assuming that the leaders, both religious and political, demonstrate their support, it is possible for the next generation of Haredi families to have the prospects of living more self-sufficiently and independently. Many people don’t enjoy relying on the government for their livelihood, and even more so, do enjoy the fear of cutbacks which inevitable comes with it. Assuming that everyone who enters the revolution is as devoted as its forerunners, the changes will only benefit the community as a whole, both financially and emotionally.
Bibliography
Cohen, Bezalel. "Economic Hardship and Gainful Employment in Haredi Society in Israel." 2006. PDF file.
Meranda, Amnon. "Knesset Extends Tal Law by 5 Years." Ynet News. Yedioth Internet, 18 July, 2007. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3427136,00.html>.
Schechter, Erik, and Sam Ser. "God's Workers." Red Herring- The Business of Technology. Red Herring Inc., 1 Sept. 2000. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://redherring.com/PrintArticle.aspx? a=3101§or=Archive>.
Swirski, Shlomo, Etty Konor Attias, and Hala Abu-Khala. Israel: A Social Report 2010. Adva Center, Dec. 2010. Web. 26 Dec. 2011. <http://www.adva.org/uploaded/social-Eng-site%20final.pdf>.
Yago, Glenn, and Ronit Puritan-Lukatch, eds. "Employment of Haredim in Israel." Economic Reform Studies 2007. Koret Economic Development Funds and Milken Institute, 2007. 31-36. PDF file.